part destiny 25 realizations
ACCEPTED Realization 1
type Polysemy
language Akkadian
lexeme isḳu
meaning 1 share (a portion of land, property or booty, etc.)' ana esḳi šarrūtīya
as the share due to me as king
direction
meaning 2 lot, fortune, fate, destiny' mussiḳu isḳēti ša šamê u erṣetim
who allot destinies for heaven and earth
reference CAD
comment CAD i 198-201
ACCEPTED Realization 2
type Polysemy
language Amharic
lexeme əddəl
meaning 1 portion, share, serving (of food)
direction
meaning 2 luck, fortune, success, destiny, fate, lot, chance, odds (chance), fatality (fate), opportunity əddəl amlaki
fatalist (lit. 'worshipper of fate')
reference AED: 1299
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 3
type Polysemy
language Ancient Greek
lexeme μοῖρα
meaning 1 part, share ἴση μοῖρα
equal share (of torphy) (Homer)
meaning 2 lot, destiny, fate 1 ὑπὲρ μοῖραν
1) contrary to the destiny (Гомер) 2) the immortals established the destiny for everyone (Homer)
reference
comment LSJ 1140-1141
ACCEPTED Realization 4
type Polysemy
language Ancient Greek
lexeme αἶσα
meaning 1 part, share
direction
meaning 2 destiny, fate, lot
reference LSJ: 42
comment

From Proto-Indo-European *h₂ey- 'to give, take', whence also αἰτέω'to ask for, beg' and *αἶτος ('something given: allotment, share', + the suffix +‎ -ῐᾰ. Cognate with Oscan aitis 'part, portion'

Beekes, Robert S. P. Etymological Dictionary of Greek (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series; 10), with the assistance of Lucien van Beek, Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010, page 43

ACCEPTED Realization 5
type Polysemy
language Ancient Greek
lexeme μερίς
meaning 1 part
direction
meaning 2 lot, fate μερίς τοῦ Προμηθέως
Prometheus' lot
reference LSJ
comment LSJ 1104
NEW Realization 6
type Polysemy
language Batsbi
lexeme qač̣
meaning 1 piece of a food
direction
meaning 2 destiny
reference Bertlani (ed.) 2018: 244
comment
NEW Realization 7
type Motivation
language Bulgarian
lexeme 1 част
lexeme 2 участ
meaning 1 part
direction
meaning 2 destiny, fate
reference Bernštejn 1966: 683, 707
comment
NEW Realization 8
type Polysemy
language Bulgarian
lexeme дял
meaning 1 part

на три дяла


into three parts

direction
meaning 2 destiny
reference Bernštejn 1966: 139
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 9
type Polysemy
language Classical Arabic
lexeme ḳismat-
meaning 1 part, section
direction
meaning 2 lot, destiny, chance
reference
comment BK II 738
ACCEPTED Realization 10
type Polysemy
language Farsi
lexeme بهره bahre
meaning 1 share, part
direction
meaning 2 lot, fate
reference
comment ЭСИЯ 2, 44
ACCEPTED Realization 11
type Borrowing
language Gagauz
lexeme pay
meaning 1 part, share; lot пай етмää
to divide in parts
meaning 2 lot, destiny бизим пайымыза дÿштÿ бу кахыр
This grief was our lot
reference
comment Borrowed from Slav. ГРМС 358.
ACCEPTED Realization 12
type Polysemy
language Hungarian
lexeme rész
meaning 1 part az egész részei
the parts of the whole
direction
meaning 2 fate sok szenvedésben volt része
a lot of suffering fell to his lot
reference Гальди 1974: 641
comment
NEW Realization 13
type Polysemy
language Karelian
lexeme osa
meaning 1 part
direction
meaning 2 destiny
reference Zajkov, Rugoeva 1999: 125
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 14
type Polysemy
language Lezgian
lexeme paj
meaning 1 part вишдай са пай
one percent
direction
meaning 2 gift гьар садаз вичиз ганвай пай ава
Everyone has his or her gift. (=there is a part)
reference
comment (LezgRus 257-258). ПАЙ is a Turkic loan.
ACCEPTED Realization 15
type Polysemy
language Lithuanian
lexeme dalìs
meaning 1 share
direction
meaning 2 destiny
reference
comment LRŽ 133
ACCEPTED Realization 16
type Polysemy
language Mongolian (Khalkha)
lexeme huv'
meaning 1 share, part, rate гурван хувь хийх
to divide in three parts
meaning 2 lot, destiny хувь зохиох
to be reserved by the destiny
reference
comment 'part, percent; destiny'
ACCEPTED Realization 17
type Polysemy
language Old Church Slavonic
lexeme чѧсть
meaning 1 part
meaning 2 destiny
reference
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 18
type Polysemy
language Romanian
lexeme parte
meaning 1 part
direction
meaning 2 lot, fate
reference DEX98
comment Possibly under the Slavic influence
ACCEPTED Realization 19
type Derivation
language Russian
lexeme 1 часть (čast')
lexeme 2 участь (učast')
meaning 1 part
direction
meaning 2 fate, lot
reference <personally collected data>
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 20
type Polysemy
language Russian
lexeme dolja
meaning 1 part, share доля наследства
part of heritage
meaning 2 destiny горькая бабья доля
bitter female lot
reference
comment Cf. also the Lithuanian dalia 'part, share'; Russian удел 'lot'.
NEW Realization 21
type Polysemy
language Rutul
lexeme кьадар / q'adar
meaning 1 quantity, amount

гъивкьыд кьадар / ʁiwq'ɨd q'adar

тIехьмыд кьадар / t'exmɨd q'adar


sufficient quantity

amount of sheep

direction
meaning 2 destiny, misfortune

гьанийды кьадар ливкьыр а / hanijdɨ q'adar liwq'ɨr a


he is destined to die

reference Alisultanov, Sulejmanova 2019: 216
comment
NEW Realization 22
type Polysemy
language Somali
lexeme kadab
meaning 1 part
direction
meaning 2 destiny
reference Alejnikov 2012: 184
comment
NEW Realization 23
type Polysemy
language Tatar
lexeme өлеш
meaning 1 part
direction
meaning 2 destiny
reference Asylgaraev, Ganiev et al. (eds.) 2007: 2, 115
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 24
type Polysemy
language Tibetan
lexeme skal-ba
meaning 1 part, share skal-rin
the value of the share
meaning 2 lot, fate; happiness skal-ba chad-pa
unhappy
reference
comment Рерих I, 158.
NEW Realization 25
type Derivation
language Turkish
lexeme 1 kısım
lexeme 2 kısmet
meaning 1 part

eşyanın bir kısmı


most part of the thıngs

direction
meaning 2 destiny; fortune, luck

bu çocuğun kısmeti açık olacak


This child will have a brilliant destiny

reference Baskakov 1977: 544
comment

The word is an Arabin loanword from ḳism قس 'part' https://www.etimolojiturkce.com/kelime/kısım