eye spring, fountain 9 realizations
ACCEPTED Realization 1
type Polysemy
language Akkadian
lexeme īnu
meaning 1 eye appu īnu uznu īkimšunūti
I deprived them of (their) nose, eye and ear
direction
meaning 2 source of a spring kirêti īnu ša mê ... ṣarpu laqiū
the gardens and the water source were bought in accordance with payment
reference CAD
comment CAD i 153 The Protosemitic root has both meanings. See SED I No. 28.
ACCEPTED Realization 2
type Polysemy
language Armenian
lexeme акн
meaning 1 eye
meaning 2 well, source
reference
comment (Murzaev 1974: 129, 133)
ACCEPTED Realization 3
type Polysemy
language Classical Arabic
lexeme ʕayn-
meaning 1 eye
direction
meaning 2 well, source
reference BK: II 425
comment Murzaev 1974: 133
ACCEPTED Realization 4
type Polysemy
language Farsi
lexeme 1 چشم češm/čašm
lexeme 2 چشم češme/čašme
meaning 1 eye به چشم خود be čašm-e xod
with my own eyes
direction
meaning 2 spring, stream چشمه آب گرم čašme āb-e garm
hot spring
reference Rubinčik 1970: 468
comment (Murzaev 1974: 133)
ACCEPTED Realization 5
type Polysemy
language Hausa
lexeme ido
meaning 1 eye
meaning 2 well, source
reference
comment
NEW Realization 6
type Polysemy
language Somali
lexeme il(-sha)
meaning 1 eye
direction
meaning 2 spring, fountain
reference Alejnikov 2012
comment
NEW Realization 7
type Polysemy
language Turkish
lexeme göz
meaning 1 eye
direction
meaning 2 spring, fountain
reference Baskakov 1977: 353
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 8
type Polysemy
language Udi
lexeme pul
meaning 1 eye
meaning 2 source (spring)
reference
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 9
type Polysemy
language Uzbek
lexeme кўз
meaning 1 eye
meaning 2 source of a spring
reference
comment Cf. Turkmen, Azeri гёз 'eye' + 'spring, stream, (sometimes) river' (Murzaev 1974: 130, 133).