hard, solid greedy 7 realizations
ACCEPTED Realization 1
type Polysemy
language Classical Arabic
lexeme ṣaluba
meaning 1 'to be hard, firm, rigid, stiff, tough, strong, robust, sturdy' ṣalubat-i l-ʔarḍ-u mund̲u ʔaʕwām-in
'The land has been hard by lying waste for years'
direction
meaning 2 to be mean ṣaluba ʕalā l-māl-i
'he was, or became, tenacious, or avaricious, of property'
reference
comment (Lane 1711) Meaning A is rather "hard, solid"
ACCEPTED Realization 2
type Polysemy
language Hill Mari
lexeme яча
meaning 1 hard, solid
direction
meaning 2 stingy
reference Savatkova 2008
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 3
type Polysemy
language Kabardian
lexeme быдэ (bǝde)
meaning 1 strong, hard, solid
direction
meaning 2 stingy, mean
reference Kardanov 1957: 35
comment

СКЧЯ: 53

ACCEPTED Realization 4
type Polysemy
language Kalmyk
lexeme хату
meaning 1 hard, solid
direction
meaning 2 greedy
reference <personally collected data>
comment

Муниев Б. Д. Калмыцко-русский словарь. 1977. С. 583

ACCEPTED Realization 5
type Polysemy
language Rutul
lexeme čʼidkʼɨd
meaning 1 firm, solid

mi xuw čʼidkʼɨd jiʔi, meli


this bread is stale, don't eat it

direction
meaning 2 greedy

čʼirkʼɨnow šešun sekinowɨs wɨlcʼar diš


a miser never gives anything to anyone

reference Alekseeva et al. 2023 Alisultanov, Sulejmanova 2019: 433
comment

In (Alisultanov, Sulejmanova 2019) there is no such shift (Mukhad dialect).

Data given for Kina Rutul (filed data)

NEW Realization 6
type Polysemy
language Serbian
lexeme тврд (tvrd)
meaning 1 hard, solid

тврд метал, тврда земља


hard metal, hard ground

direction
meaning 2 greedy

Веомаје тврд, неће дати новац.


He is very greedy, he won't give money.

reference Vujanitsh et al. 2007: 1305
comment
ACCEPTED Realization 7
type Polysemy
language Tabassaran
lexeme ижми (ižmi)
meaning 1 hard, firm, solid ижми тIурин
strong rope
direction
meaning 2 acaricious, greedy (fig.) мукьан ижми махьан
Do not be mean.
reference TabRus: 173
comment